In recent years, many countries in Europe and the former Soviet Union have seen an explosion in university enrollment. During approximately 10 years (from 1999 until 2010) higher education enrollment increased by 64% in Central and Eastern Europe, 27% in Central Asia and South Caucasus, and 19% in Western Europe and North America (see UNESCO).

    1999-2005 2005-2010 1999-2010
Low enrollment 
level in 1999 
(below 30$)
Country % enrollment
in 1999
% enrollment
in 2005
%
change
%
enrollment
2009-10
%
change
%
change
Romania 21.11 45.81 117% 63.77 39% 202%
Kazakhstan 24.4 52.66 116% 40.02 -27% 58%
Czech Rep. 25.86 47.62 84% 60.65 27% 136%
Macedonia 21.74 29.68 73% 40.42 36% 86%
Mongolia 26.94 44.67 66% 53.30 19% 98%
Slovakia 26.14 40.08 53% 54.16 35% 107%
Kyrgyzstan 29.17 42.54 46% 48.81 15% 67%
Tajikistan 13.7 17.76 44% 19.67 11% 44%
Turkey 23.05 31.94 39% 45.82 44% 99%
Armenia 23.56 28.34 20% 51.53 82% 119%
Uzbekistan 12.92 9.81 -23% 9.92 1% -23%
Azerbaijan 15.72 14.45 -8% 19.26 33% 22%
 
High enrollment 
level in 1999 
(above 30$)
Hungary 33.44 64.08 92% 61.68 -4% 84%
Lithuania 44.05 76.45 74% 77.37 1% 76%
Slovenia 52.33 79.59 52% 86.93 9% 66%
Latvia 50.64 75.25 49% 60.1 -20% 19%
Croatia 30.44 43.77 44% 49.17 12% 62%
Ukraine 47.73 68.6 44% 79.47 16% 67%
Poland 45.75 63.9 40% 70.54 10% 54%
Russia 51.43 72.16 40% 75.89 5% 48%
Estonia 50.43 66.69 32% 62.7 -6% 24%
Georgia 35.78 46.56 30% 28.25 -39% -21%
Belarus 51.47 63.95 24% 82.95 30% 61%
Moldova 32.69 36.1 10% 38.15 6% 17%
Bulgaria 45.04 44.15 -2% 53.02 20% 18%


Several tendencies are evident in the data:

Now, there is no arguing that increasing higher educational enrollments may be a very positive development for most transition countries aiming for the “knowledge era”. However, the sheer pace and extent of higher education expansion in many transition nations is suggestive of an uncontrolled explosion bringing about great efficiency losses and costs for the societies involved. Here are two reasons:

Interestingly enough, an uncontrolled expansion of undergraduate education creates demand for further (Master’s level) studies, often of very low quality, in order for the better students to differentiate themselves from other diploma holders (and to “signal” higher quality in the labor market).

As a result, many transition nations now find themselves in an over-education “trap”.  How does it work?

Not having a college degree in a society that does not provide reputable vocational training (as in Germany) and where more than 60 or 70% of the population do have college degrees carries a stigma. To avoid it, everyone is trapped into getting a college degree, regardless of its quality and relevance for future occupation. The more people get trapped, the more “costly” it is to opt out.

The over-education trap is not unique to transition nations. Economists are pointing out to the massive accumulation of debt by US college students as potentially the next asset bubble. US college enrollment has surpassed 70% in 2010. Prices for college degrees continue to rise, and so does demand. No parents want their children to be left behind.

The social and individual inefficiency associated with the over-education trap is hard to quantify, but here is a short list of what it might comprise, at the minimum:

The over-education trap is by definition producing a “skills mismatch” in the labor markets of affected countries, i.e. a situation when an economy has a surplus of workers with tertiary and secondary general education, and a shortage of workers with technical qualifications. Common symptoms of this decease are high unemployment and employment in low skilled jobs among college graduates, and low monetary returns to tertiary education.

These symptoms are present in most countries of the transition region, including Georgia. Thousands of students still go every year into general economics, management, and legal studies that bring them not an inch closer to productive employment. Still, Georgia is a huge exception. In fact, it is unique among all transition countries in that, beginning in 2004-5, it had the political will to combat corruption in higher education and to set a high quality bar for both students and universities. As a direct consequence of its education policies, Georgia is the only country in the “high initial enrollment” group (above 30% in 1999) that managed to bring higher education enrollment from the peak of almost 47% in 2004 down to below the 1999 level of 35%.

Of course, weeding out weak universities solves only a part of the problem. Georgia has yet to offer its young generation a viable option of high quality vocation training and productive jobs.

QUESTIONS FOR RECENT UNIVERSITY GRADUATES: